Diversity
in Resistance
It is clear that the Palestinian people are
united under the banner of freedom from Israeli occupation. However,
within this framework exist a variety of realities in which the
Palestinian people live. This, in turn, shapes their response to
the Israeli/Palestinian conflict and their methods of resistance.
For example, in the village of Bil'in where the creation of the
Barrier Wall has separated the village from their main agricultural
areas, creative, non-violent approaches directly challenging the
presence of the wall are their focus of resistance.
Whereas, Daoud Nasaar, owner of Daher's Vineyard
and creator of the Tent of Nations outside of Bethlehem, faces a
different reality than those in Bil'in. Daoud's basic right to ownership
of his property, which was originally purchased by his grandfather
during Ottoman rule, has been challenged by the Israeli government
and Israeli settler communities surrounding his land. Simply continuing
to live and grow crops on his land is an important form of non-violent
resistance to encroaching settlements and the government, who want
Daoud's family to vacate their ancestral land. Further, Dauod is
operating within the Israeli court system to legally retain ownership
of his land. This form of non-violent resistance is nearly impossible
for most Palestinian landowners because of financial constraints,
language barriers, and a general unwillingness of the Israeli courts
to hear their pleas.
Lastly, life in the Deheishah Refugee Camp in
Bethlehem differs substantially from that of Dauod Nasaar or the
villagers of Bil'in. They live in conditions that most people in
the United States would find deplorable. They have very high levels
of unemployment (50-55%) and rely heavily on the UN for educational,
municipal, medical, and food aid. They also have to endure nightly
raids by the Israeli military. However, within this context, they
have recently built both a beautiful community center and a medical
facility to help provide much needed services to Deheishah residents.
Further, they have created a standing memorial to the 43 members
of the Deheishah community who have died in the second intifada.
This development shows their deep commitment to improving and living
their lives in face of tremendous hardship. Perhaps even more importantly,
it shows their commitment to fostering an unbreakable sense of community.
This strikes at the heart of non-violent resistance.
At the same time, given the human reality in
Deheishah, violent resistance is also part of their culture. Signs
of this form of resistance are evident throughout the camp from
children pretending to shoot at us when we entered Deheishah and
a boy leaning out a window with a ski mask on his face to pictures
of Che Guevera and Saddam Hussein and Iraq scattered across t-shirts
and building walls. Perhaps the dichotomy of violent versus nonviolent
resistance in Deheishah can be most poignantly observed in their
honoring the 43 martyrs in the refugee camp. Thirty-nine were either
innocent civilians or armed militia killed by the Israeli Defense
Forces and four were suicide bombers. This diversity in death symbolizes
the diversity of Palestinian resistance in life and the socio-political
and economic realities that shape it.
--Jason Hicks
Searching for the Heart
of a Settler
The Palestinian village of At-Tuwani stands
on a sun-baked, rocky hillside almost devoid of vegetation. The
stone-block homes and other structures in At-Tuwani are very basic,
but its 150 inhabitants are proud of their new one-room mosque and
the two-story schoolhouse that serves all the villages in the area.
They also live with the fear of hearing the ominous rumble of armored
bulldozers lumbering up the gravel road to destroy their homes.
Since it is common for the government of Israel
to refuse to issue building permits to Palestinians, villagers were
forced to build without them. Now these homeowners have been served
with demolition orders from the government, a tactic used to intimidate
and control. But these and other hardships notwithstanding, the
residents of At-Tuwani are survivors.
Standing near the school house, I look across
a deep ravine to a ridgeline where rows of well-built, modern homes
resembled an upscale Arizona suburb. It?s one of the hundreds
of infamous Israeli ?settlements? that have spread illegally
across what was supposed to be the Palestinian West Bank. These
settlements have been strategically located to control water resources
and slice up Palestinian lands into isolated and often inaccessible
fragments. Contrary to denials in public relations campaigns, this
process continues at a rapid pace. In fact, the Israeli government
provides substantial incentives to people to move into settlements.
Monetary support pours in from the U.S. and more than a few settlers
have emigrated to Israel from the U.S. The word ?settler?
is far too benign to apply to this situation. Perhaps colonist,
invader, or occupier would be more accurate.
Israel furnishes electricity and water to the
settlement, but refuses to do the same for At-Tuwani. Villagers
must rely on a generator, cisterns, and rainwater to live. Knowing
how much At-Tuwani villagers depend on their small flocks of sheep,
settlers have shot some of them. Villagers say that not long ago,
settlers used a mixture of grain and warfarin to poison more than
50 sheep. They also dumped rotting chickens in the village cisterns
and even destroyed the home of the mayor.
According to the villagers, settlers started
harassing the children from other villages who must pass the settlement
every day to reach the At-Tuwani school. Verbal abuse has sometimes
been followed with beating small children. Trying to protect themselves,
the children now take a longer path, a 60 minute trek over rough
ground rather than the former 15 minute walk. Finally, international
?watchers? and even an Israeli military escort have
tried to protect the children. However, the soldiers sometimes ignore
the settlers? curses and, according to the villagers, have
?mooned? the watchers, the children, and their teachers.
I try to see into the heart of the father in
the three-story, white limestone home on the end of the settlement
nearest the path taken by the frightened children. What are his
thoughts when he looks across the valley to the village? How does
he justify his behavior? How can he make it congruent with his religion?
By what definition is he not a terrorist?
--Rob Sangster
Pressuring Charities in Hebron
Just days before our visit to Hebron, the Israeli
Army issued closure, evacuation and confiscation orders of properties
and institutions funded by the Islamic Charitable Society which
is based in Hebron. Three schools and two orphanages serving 7,000
children, 300 of whom are orphans, will be affected by this decision.
Our Palestinian hosts in Hebron explained that
these kinds of actions are normal every day occurrences in the Occupied
Territories. According to them, the Israeli government is attempting
to turn the Israeli-Palestinian conflict into a religious confrontation,
similar to the US government policy of equating Islam with terrorism
and Muslim with terrorist. These kinds of policies only serve to
further dispossess the Palestinian people and destroy the possibilities
for peace for both Israelis and Palestinians.
In spite of these daily challenges I came away
from Hebron convinced more than ever that the occupied people of
Palestine are far stronger than their occupier and will continue,
whatever the cost, to non-violently resist their inhumane occupation.
--Cathy Sultan
Zealotry and Dirty Pipes
Simcha, the middle-aged speaker, portrayed
himself as hip and humorous, a kind of scholarly stand-up comedian.
But as he laid out his case, I realized that beneath the veneer
he was deadly serious. He stood in the synagogue and described the
Biblical justification for Beit Hadassa, an Israeli ?settlement?
in the heart of the Palestinian city of Hebron. This land, he said,
was part of what had been awarded by God to the Jews. He referred
to it as Judea and Samaria, never as Palestine or the West Bank.
To him there are no Palestinians, just ?Arabs.? He simply
denies their identity.
As a matter of more prosaic fact, this specific
piece of land, referred to as the H-2 zone, was placed under the
control of Israeli Jews as a result of the Oslo Accords. All Israelis
in Hebron, numbering fewer than 1,000, live in this zone, along
with 4,000 soldiers assigned to them. That means that 20% of the
land area of Hebron is controlled by less than 0.3% of the population.
This tiny group of Israelis has, with the active
support of Israeli government and soldiers, effectively forced Palestinians
out of the center of Hebron. They have turned a bustling downtown
into an urban ghost town: shops with boarded up doors, homes with
shuttered windows, and streets empty of human activity. However,
Simcha envisions a Hebron that is ?home to tens of thousands
of Jews in the future.?
Simcha described himself as ?Director
of Tourism.? For whom he didn?t say. Surely not for
the Palestinians of Hebron. Does he take tourists along these abandoned
streets and suggest that this is God?s handiwork? He mentioned
that he resents the loss of tourist dollars and referred scornfully
to a group of Hindu visitors as ?people who don?t buy.?
As far as a solution of the present conflict,
he offered a simile for the peace process: ?It?s like
passing clean water through a dirty pipe.? He explained that
because politicians are corrupt they will never reach a fair peace
agreement. He said the first step is for the Arabs to acknowledge
Israel?s right to exist. After that, he wants the Arabs ?gone.?
He?s committed to the belief that Arab
leaders preach only hate and their goal is to drive Israelis into
the sea. To illustrate, he told the story of a 10-month old child
who had been killed several years ago in the courtyard in which
we stood. The shot came from a sniper on a far hillside covered
with homes. Clearly that was a heartbreaking atrocity. In retaliation,
the Israeli Defense Forces repeatedly raked all the homes on the
hillside with automatic weapon fire. They also built an armed surveillance
post on that hillside.
Later, I wondered whether he?d take tourists
to the old cemetery just a few hundred meters away. On that site
eight years ago, settlers beat a teenage Palestinian boy and threatened
to kill him if he returned. He was so traumatized he never again
tried to visit the grave of his father. When we heard that story
from the young man, we spontaneously formed a group and walked with
him to the cemetery. The entrance had been barricaded by two large
concrete blocks and rolls of barbed wire so we clambered over some
rocks and walked with him to his father?s grave. He wept.
Standing with him, we were within easy view of settler?s living
on the hillside, but none challenged him ? or us.
People on the streets of Israel and Palestine
seem to yearn for reconciliation, for an end of violence and fear.
The situation is especially complicated here in Hebron because religious
tides have flowed back and forth over the centuries. It?s
possible to see the points of view of people of faith on both sides
yet feel that intense religious ideology may cause blind eyes and
deaf ears that block the way to peace.
--Rob Sangster
A Study in Contrasts and
Contradictions
While on the long flight home, I found myself
trying to put our intense two-week visit into perspective. I kept
coming back to the idea of the many contrasts and contradictions
I had seen and experienced.
For example: a beautiful single red poppy was
growing from a rocky hillside in the Palestinian village of Bil?in.
Not ten yards from the flower was the separation wall of razor wire,
chain link fencing, and electrified wire ? cutting directly
across the farmlands of the town of Bil?in. Such beauty and
such inhumanity ? together.
Another example: on successive days, we met
with students from Hebrew University (in Jerusalem) and from Birzeit
University (near Ramallah). The Hebrew University students were
remarkably similar in their comments and outlook: they expressed
fears for their security; most had not been in the West Bank or
East Jerusalem before; several repeated the story of a bomb hidden
in a Palestinian ambulance as justification for the security concern
(although the most recent such incident apparently was over six
years ago). One student told me that if she went to Ramallah with
me, she ?would be killed.? Three felt that Barack Obama
was a Muslim (apparently, the news story about his pastor had not
reached Jerusalem after several weeks!). In contrast, the Palestinian
students at Birzeit University were open, individualistic, engaged,
candid and direct. Perhaps it was because we met the Birzeit students
on their own campus. Or, perhaps it was reflective of the contrasting
environments that the two groups live in. How great it would be
if the two groups could meet and talk together! So close (just a
matter of a few miles), and yet so far - separated by the monstrous
Qalandia ?terminal.?
Yet another example. Driving north up the Jordan
River valley from Jericho, the West Bank (occupied Palestinian)
land was rocky, dry and barren, yet the East Bank (Jordan) was green
and dotted with greenhouses. As soon as we reached the territory
of Israeli settlements within in the West Bank, the land became
remarkably green and fertile, filled with farms. Such a contrast.
Yes, the rural Palestinians are more often found tending their cattle,
goats, or sheep. But, we found that the water rates charged by Israel
to Palestinians are many times higher than those charged to Israeli
settlements, and the allocations per person are much more restrictive.
No wonder there is such a contrast!
The current Israel-Palestine situation is an
enigma. So much of the faiths, histories, and peoples are so similar.
And yet so much of the current political situation stands in marked
contrast. How can the two sides learn to live together in peace?
That is the question we all want answered.
--Frank Williams
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